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Humanitarianism Papers, Docs, and Essays

Providing Mental Health Services in Humanitarian Aid to Syria

Syria has been engaged in a devastating civil war, between multiple groups including the government regime, civilian militias, and terrorist groups for almost a decade (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). This has been devastating to the population of Syria, destroying infrastructure, historical places, schools, hospitals, and demolishing whole communities. Prior to the war, Syria’s health system was already lacking, despite improvements to life expectancy and overall health (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019). Mental health services were extremely limited. Only 2% of the health budget was allocated for mental health, primarily for in-patient hospital settings. Community mental health settings were exceedingly rare, as was the availability of counselors, psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, and other mental health professionals. Additionally, the system faced problems due to “inequity, poor transparency, lack of standardized quality care, inadequate numbers of health staff, and uneven distribution of services in the regions due to an uncontrolled expansion of private services” (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019, p.1) for general healthcare. The government military has deliberately attacked health clinics and hospitals, including psychiatric hospitals, creating an even larger disparity in access to mental health services (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019). This means the majority of MHPSS services are delivered within Syria by humanitarian organizations, both national and international.

Since the onset of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, more than half of all Syrians have been forcibly displaced, split nearly evenly between internally displaced persons and international refugees (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019). There are also many non-displaced persons within Syria who are in need of humanitarian assistance and mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS). It is common for Syrians to be displaced multiple times as the conflicts zones continue to shift, and more than half of those displaced are children (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). Known risk factors contributing to mental illness have been experienced by Syrians as a result of the conflict, such as “exposure to traumatic events, forced displacement and ongoing stressors such as unemployment, impoverishment, social dislocation and loss of social support” (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019, p. 1). Human rights violations towards civilians are rampant within Syria, “including massacres, murder, execution without due process, torture, hostage-taking, enforced disappearance, rape and sexual violence, as well as recruiting and using children in hostile situations” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p. 12). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Human Rights Law (Weissbrodt & De La Vega, 2007) have been completely disregarded within Syria since the outbreak of the conflict.

One aspect that is particularly challenging for humanitarian organizations is the disregard for their protection – and even specified targeting – by actors in the conflict (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). About 4.8 million people live in remote or difficult to access areas, and another 440,000 are trapped in active conflict zones at any one time, further complicating the ability of humanitarian organizations to deliver aid, supplies, or services.

A systemic review of the literature on the burden and access to mental health services in Syria and neighboring countries (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019) found large variations in rates of mental illness, such as between 16 to 80% for post traumatic stress disorder, 11 to 49% for depression, and 49 to 55% for anxiety. The most common risk factors for mental illness were being exposed to traumatic events and a history or family history of mental illness. The largest obstacles commonly reported to receiving mental health care were financial and socio-cultural. Gaps in the research were pronounced in the interventions used and the burden of mental illness primarily for those living within Syria.  Access to care and barriers were also in need of further research, as well as evaluation of psychosocial programs and interventions. Furthermore, a common problem found amongst the studies reviewed was that MHPSS interventions had not been validated with the Syrian population and had not been adapted to cultural symptoms or expressions of distress. Barriers to services were found to be “cost, language, cultural understanding, limited availability and quality of services, poor quality of services, low knowledge of mental disorder symptoms, lack of awareness of MHPSS services, and stigma and discrimination” (Hendrickx, Woodward, Fuhr, et al., 2019, p.9).

The 2018 Semi-Annual report from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society (SARC) shows little detail on the provisions or specifications of psychosocial support or mental health services. However, they do mention that a significant number of trainings were given on the topic of psychosocial support, numbering 15, tied for the third most numerous training category with disaster management, following first aid and community health trainings. The document also reports that psychosocial support was an included service within the thirteen community centers established in conjunction with the UNHCR in the humanitarian support project. It notes there were 22,803 beneficiaries of these psychosocial services, which also included services for children with special needs, direct support, and awareness sessions and recreational activities. In addition, SARC serves 334 shelters across Syria, which provide services to 12,000 families, and include psychosocial support activities.

The International Medical Corps is also providing psychosocial services in Syria as part of their humanitarian aid in the region. They are working on multiple projects and call for additional support in several areas. First, they seek to scale up sustainable and comprehensive MHPSS services within Syria and surrounding countries who have Syrian refugee populations. They also are training doctors and nurses in mental health and improving the training of mental health professionals within Syria to address the needs currently but also in the future. Additionally, they are “[i]nvolving affected Syrians in community outreach and in learning basic psychosocial support skills, which can strengthen community support and help establish links to formal mental health care services” (International Medical Corps, 2015). They also apply the IASC guidelines to coordinate MHPSS groups, which communicate and collaborate programs and services, advocate to donors, share resources and tools, and map current humanitarian MHPSS efforts (Hijazi & Weissbecker, 2017).

Much of the lack of support for psychological services in Syria is likely to be related to the stigma around mental illness found in many Middle Eastern societies.  While there is very little research on mental health in Syria prior to the war, we can draw assumptions from what we know of the responses of refugees towards mental health and in cultural assumptions from surrounding countries with similar cultural makeups. Syrians consist of a diversity of backgrounds and identities and are considered Arabs – though “this is a term based on the spoken language, not ethnicity” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p.10). There has been an increasing emphasis placed on tribal affiliation since the beginning of the war, which helps establish identity, community, and a structure of leadership within groups in a fragmented country. Multiple ethnic groups have been marginalized and oppressed, the largest of these being the Kurdish, which has seen a resurgence and reclaiming of cultural identity in recent years. Prior to the conflict, there were also significant amounts of refugees residing within Syria, mostly from Iraq and Palestine.

For mental health professionals working with Syrians, there should be caution when diagnosing mental illnesses, as high rates of daily stressors may cause them to show increased symptoms for a period of time, although this is not necessarily indicative of a mental disorder (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). Similar to other populations affected by war-related trauma, Syrian refugees have most commonly shown to have emotional category disorders, such as post traumatic stress, anxiety disorders, depression, and prolonged grief. Interventions which focus on non-clinical aspects such as safety, living conditions, identity, community, social roles, and building hope may have significant results in addressing mental health concerns as well (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015).

Syrians traditionally have used their family and friends for high levels of support and for coping with difficult situations (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). As many of these social circles have been drastically disrupted from the war, helping Syrians establish a sense of community support would be highly important. Other coping mechanisms for Syrian individuals have been reported to including praying, listening to music, watching TV, drawing, withdrawal, and smoking. Negative coping mechanisms should be watched for and sought to be decreased, while increasing positive coping mechanisms. Men may struggle to admit any “weakness” as is the cultural norm and may benefit from the use of collective activities. Women’s roles, routines, and social networks are also impacted, and they may need ways to engage in active coping and develop new routines and social networks. Many adolescents restrict themselves from sharing their emotional difficulties with their parents, because they do not want to cause them more stress or suffering in addition to the war.  Some parents report “increasingly resorting to maladaptive coping strategies, such as beating their children or being overprotective” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p. 17). As a result of losing caregivers or family members, family structure and the roles for individuals and between genders may have changed and cause tension within the family, and conflict with traditional norms and gender roles. Sexual violence can be exceptionally troubling to individuals, as it can result in further consequences such as being ostracized.

Domestic violence has increased since the conflict, with stress for men being the reported cause (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). Use of evidence based treatment for men to reduce aggressions such as anger management and parenting classes can be used by counselors, although it should be noted these have not been adapted to the Syrian context. In providing services to victims of abuse, counselors should be mindful of the risks for stigmatization and further abuse which may occur at victims seeking counseling or being encouraged to leave their partners. Helping victims identify supportive and safe individuals in their social network can be helpful as part of treatment.

Another consideration is the increase in early marriage for girls as a result of the conflict (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). This is used as a coping mechanism which is seen as a way to provide protection and secure the future of girls at a time when many families are facing poverty, insecurity, uncertainty and the loss or absence of male family members. Early marriage can stall or end girls’ education, increase the risk of health problems and domestic violence, and cause feelings of stress and abandonment by parents for girls.

Counselors working with Syrian survivors of torture have reported that clients typically have multiple emotional and psychological symptoms, in addition to financial and legal issues (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015).  LGBTQI+ individuals in Syria face severe discrimination, and same-sex acts are illegal. Since the conflict, LGBTQI+ individuals are  especially vulnerable to being abused or exploited, in addition to high levels of stress and stigma. Elder Syrians are also at increased risk for psychological problems, especially those with health conditions or who have limited support networks; many have lost family members and friends due to death or displacement because of the conflict. Individuals with disabilities or chronic health conditions also show above-average levels of psychological distress. It is common for older adults and those with disabilities to be concerned about being a burden on their caretakers, feel powerless, and have fear about being separated from their families and losing access to health and social supports as a result of the conflict.

Children constitute more than 50% of displaced Syrians, and more than 75% of these are under age 12 (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). It is not uncommon for children to become separated from their families, witness acts of destruction and death, be at risk for sexual exploitation, human trafficking, physical abuse, recruited as child soldiers, and be unable to access basic services. Children have exhibited abnormally high levels of behavioral and emotional problems, with clinical levels of anxiety at around 50%. “Problems include: fears, difficulties sleeping, sadness, grieving and depression (including withdrawal from friends and family), aggression or temper tantrums (shouting, crying and throwing or breaking things), nervousness, hyperactivity and tension, speech problems or mutism, and somatic symptoms. Violent and war-related play, regression and behavioral problems are also reported among children” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p. 20). Most children have been forced to stop schooling as a result of the conflict. Roles for children may have also shifted, taking on adult responsibilities and concerns due to loss or injury to caregivers. Evidence from Syrian refugees shows that with positive support from families, communities, and service providers, over time emotional and behavioral problems are reduced. Interestingly, the International Medical Corps has shown high rates for children using mental health services within Syria (69%), likely due to the otherwise lack of outlets for socializing and activities (Hijazi & Weissbecker, 2017).

For international humanitarian mental health providers, it is important to understand the Syrian cultural contexts and models of illness and distress to provide improved communication and appropriate interventions with clients. It is recommended to avoid labeling and diagnostics when possible as this “can be especially alienating and stigmatizing for survivors of violence and injustince” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p. 22). Models of counseling should emphasize building rapport and a therapeutic alliance, and be open to exploring multiple avenues of support such as “both formal and informal medical systems, religious or community resources and strategies” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p.22).

Mental health is not discussed or understood broadly in Syrian culture, and any ideas of psychological states carry negative connotations (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015). Suffering is seen as just a part of life does not require psychological care unless it is debilitating. Usually, clients will report physical complaints rather than psychological ones. “Most Arabic and Syrian idioms of distress do not separate somatic experience and psychological symptoms, because body and soul are interlinked in explanatory models of illness” (Hassan, Kirmayer, Mekki-Berrada, et al., 2015, p. 22). The use of images or metaphors may be seen by international counselors as a lack of awareness, communication, or even as psychosis. However, by working with the client to understand the meaning of their expressions it can be determined what their psychological symptoms are within their cultural framework.

With the above cultural considerations of mental health in mind for Syrians, humanitarian organizations can plan interventions and aid to address both short- and long-term assistance in a multi-layered approach. The IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings (IASC, 2007) identify how MHPSS services can be coordinated and integrated throughout multiple aspects of a humanitarian operation. This includes recruiting staff and volunteers who understand the local culture, so in implementing any MHPSS service, the above information should be utilized so that all members of the team understand how to properly work with and interpret meaning from Syrian clients. This is also useful in developing a train-the-trainer model for teaching Syrian lay counselors, and while they may innately understand the local culture, it will be important for their supervisors and teams of international origin to accurately relay and understand information.

Areas of concern which present significant difficulty within Syria include the protection and human rights standards (IASC, 2007). International humanitarian organizations attempting to provide services in Syria should prepare in advance for a strategy to how they can best protect clients from human rights abuses, which are rampant in Syria currently. There may be active opposition to their aid and protections by the Syrian government, and so humanitarian actors should be well versed in International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law (International Committee of the Red Cross Factsheet, 2003) and what extend their funds and resources will allow them to actively protect clients. The rebuilding of an internal network of mental health support, targeting stigma, building awareness, and strengthening the infrastructure to improve the accessibility, quality, and availability of mental health services within Syria should constitute part of long-term goal planning for humanitarian organizations (Hijazi & Weissbecker, 2017).

References

Hassan, G, Kirmayer, LJ, Mekki-Berrada A., Quosh, C., el Chammay, R., Deville-Stoetzel, J.B., Youssef, A., Jefee-Bahloul, H., Barkeel-Oteo, A.,Coutts, A., Song, S. & Ventevogel, P. (2015). Culture, context and the mental health and psychosocial wellbeing of Syrians:

A review for mental health and psychosocial support staff working with Syrians affected by armed conflict. Geneva: UNHCR.

Hendrickx, M., Woodward, A., Fuhr, D.C., Sondorp, E., & Roberts, B. (2019). The burden of mental disorders and access to mental health and psychosocial support services in Syria and among Syrian refugees in neighboring countries: a systematic review. Journal of Public Health (Oxford, England). Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdz097

Hijazi, Z, and Weissbecker, I. (2017). Syria crisis: Addressing regional mental health needs and gaps in the context of the Syria crisis.  International Medical Corps. Retrieved from https://internationalmedicalcorps.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Syria-Crisis-Addressing-Mental-Health.pdf

Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC). (2007). IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings. Geneva: IASC. Retrieved from http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/iasc/content/products

International Committee of the Red Cross. (2003). Factsheet: International humanitarian law and international human rights law: Similarities and differences. 

International Medical Corps. (March 16, 2015). Ongoing war creates invisible mental health crisis for Syrian people. Retrieved from https://internationalmedicalcorps.org/press-release/ongoing-war-creates-invisible-mental-health-crisis-for-syrian-people/

Syrian Arab Red Crescent Society (SARC). (2018). Semi Annual Report 2018. Retrieved from http://sarc.sy/semi-annual-2018-report/

Weissbrodt, D. & De La Vega, C. (2007). Overview and history of international human rights. In         International Human Rights Law: An Introduction (p.14-26). Philadelphia, PA:        University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Humanitarianism Papers, Docs, and Essays

Politicization and the loss of neutrality in humanitarian aid

While neutrality and impartiality are ideals of humanitarian aid work, the reality is that in the modern era, these are increasingly difficult to maintain and uphold.

Jones (1998) discusses the relationship between psychiatrists and psychologists with their clients.  She argues that it is not of benefit to the client to remain truly neutral and detached. She uses examples such as in Nazi Germany, where psychiatrists were able to alter their frame of reference to see themselves as treating the nation, detached from the individual patient.  In this way, therapeutic treatment could condone mass extermination as part of the benefit of treating what was viewed to be the maladies of the national health and identity. She goes on to discuss how the Hippocratic Oath, and statements by the American Medical Association and the American Psychiatric Association declare that a physician or psychiatrist should have a responsibility to protect patients from harm and injustice, and advocate for clients through public action. By necessity, then, they cannot remain unattached or avoid politics. In fact, our worldview, culture, ethical codes, training, diagnosis, and treatment are bound by systems of values, which may have consequences. Bias is inevitable, and while to a degree a treating provider may suspend their own values in relation to a client, it is better to disclose and discuss with them such factors. Additionally, there should be a stronger emphasis on dealing with the cultural systems, community and environmental factors rather than on the “deficiencies” of the individual. She also imports the need of cultural context and understanding in how we diagnose and treat clients. When the larger factors are left out, it is not treating the cause of the problem or illness but rather just symptoms of it. Neutrality is an absence of responsibility, a way for the provider to keep their hands clean and removed from ethical dilemmas.

 In my work as a counselor, I can certainly understand why providers might hesitate to deeply advocate for social change for the benefit of their clients. While I think it is an honorable and critically important endeavor, it requires complex considerations of ethical dilemmas, active work for policy changes, and addressing large systemic cultural systems and values which may seem too large to tackle.  When a provider has a full caseload, this task is nearly impossible to devote the time, energy, and resources towards. With a less than full caseload, a provider may not have the income to sustain such activities on their own free time. This creates another dilemma of another societal problem within itself where the financial pay for counselors (although not so for psychiatrists) is too low to accommodate such efforts on a large scale, and/or the work/life balance is off-kilter within our society, and does not support counselors utilizing part of their time to such activities. Additionally, if one is working for an agency, the agency often frowns upon any political activity or social protests or advocacy work which is not specifically sanctioned and approved for their own benefit, and as such, the counselor could be at risk of termination.

Fiona Terry, in her TED talk (2011) discusses how humanitarian action faces multiple scenarios which present “damned if we do, damned if we don’t” situations. For example, it is not uncommon for humanitarian aid supplies to fall inadvertently into the hands of terrorists. However, the war on terror has made it illegal to support terrorist organizations regardless of intentionality.  This may cause some aid organizations to limit where they deliver aid in fear of retribution for inadvertent support to terrorist groups. There is also a paradox in maintaining neutral, and treating soldiers from any side of a conflict, who then may return to the fight, thus prolonging the conflict. The standard moral stance of humanitarian organizations has been that it is better to treat and give aid, than to not, regardless of the outcome. Neutrality is meant to be a tool to provide aid to those who need it most and not be a moral judgement.  However, many organizations are now focused on providing aid as dictated by their donors, which typically falls within certain parameters and furthers the agendas of Western political goals.

Nascimento (2015) goes deeper into these paradoxes, framing it within the history of humanitarianism which originally intended to hold to the ideals of neutrality and impartiality, but due to increasingly complex geopolitical situations and conflicts, this has shifted into what is termed ‘new humanitarianism.’ On the surface, ‘new humanitarianism’ sounds to be an ultimately better strategy, focusing on “much broader and longer-term objectives, such as development or peace” (Nascimento, 2015, p. 1). However, this is complicated for humanitarian organizations working on the ground as it means an intertwining with politics and militarization. One of these problems arises from the imposition of standards which are deemed culturally “good” by the donors to the organizations and their respective governments. This places cultural and political values onto countries who may not subscribe to such notions, and requires that they make certain changes and subscribe to certain conditions in order to receive humanitarian assistance.  This can be seen as a political maneuver at the hands of the countries backing the aid, and create further animosity or backfire completely, causing the loss of aid to critically vulnerable populations who desperately need it. “New humanitarianism’ also started being questioned and challenged in its assumptions by academics and practitioners due to the fact that decisions that had humanitarian implications were increasingly being taken on the basis of political criteria and interests instead of on the victims’ needs” (Nascimento, 2015, p. 4). This also has implications on the fundamental properties of human rights, and the underlying missions of most humanitarian organizations to address these at the most basic level. Morris (1998) agrees with very similar points in his article.

With complex crises, complex and systemic responses from the international community are required to address multiple socio-political, socio-economic, environmental, and cultural factors which are, in the Western view, contributing to the emergency situation (Nascimento, 2015). However, this requires the use of multiple organizations and groups targeting different aspects of the situation, which often do not align with their goals and priorities, and may not communicate and plan effectively as a broad multi-organizational team. These failings have led to a breakdown of humanitarian aid in multiple countries. Worse than a failed humanitarian intervention, critics have proposed that “these actions emphasized the ineffectiveness and lack of professionalism characteristic of classical humanitarian organizations that fed and perpetuated conflicts and crises through their misuse of aid and poor resource distribution” (Nascimento, 2015, p. 3). There has also been an increase in the use of military deployment to provide aid themselves, or to protect and stabilize conditions for humanitarian workers, or while intervening through military force while humanitarian groups simultaneously provide aid, causing confusion in the local population in seeing humanitarianism and the use of acts of war as part of the same coin. “What has been experienced and promoted by this ‘new humanitarianism’, is essentially a misconception of the need for humanitarian aid by an international system that simultaneously denies its own roles in sustaining or addressing complex emergencies and threatens further the capacity of victims of conflict-related disasters to have access to humanitarian assistance and to the enjoyment of their human rights” (Nascimento, 2015, p. 9). Increased coordination between multiple organizations and actors, the removal of politics from conditions for humanitarian aid, and both short-term immediate assistance for basic needs and also long-term strategies to restore peace which utilize and collaborate with, rather than impose, cultural values of the country in conflict or crises, will be important considerations moving forward to provide much needed humanitarian aid.

References

Jones, L. (1998). The question of political neutrality when doing psychosocial work with survivors of political violence. International Review of Psychiatry, 10(3), 239-247.

Morris, N. (1998). Humanitarian aid and neutrality. Conference on the promotion and protections of human rights in acute crisis. London. Retrieved from https://www1.essex.ac.uk/rightsinacutecrisis/report/morris.htm#4

Nasciemnto, D. (2015). One step forward, two steps back? Humanitarian Challenges and Dilemmas in Crisis Settings. The Journal of Humanitarian Assistance. Retrieved from https://sites.tufts.edu/jha/archives/2126

TEDx Talks [username]. (2011). TEDxRC2 – Fiona Terry – The Paradox of Humanitarian Aid . YouTube. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J45cWdDEbm0&noredirect=1