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Assessment-Based Ethical Referral of Traumatized Individuals to Psychosocial Services

When conducting assessments for trauma as a psychologist, it is important to have a plan in place on the provision of mental health services and resources for the client or participant. Those participants who screen as having posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), complex posttraumatic stress disorder (CPTSD), acute stress disorder (ASD), or who may not qualify for a disorder but still have significant symptoms in amount or severity should be referred for more in-depth assessments or treatment. The International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies (ISTSS) (Forbes et al., 2020) suggests treatments of varying evidence bases for recommendations. This also aligns, and in some cases conflicts, with ethical standards as proposed by the American Psychological Association (APA) (2017) and the International Union of Psychological Science (IUPS) (2008). However, a crucial consideration is the barriers to such treatments, such as cultural factors, socioeconomics, and available resources, which may be difficult to access in some areas of the world.

Trauma assessments could occur in at least two different scenarios, either within the context of a research assessment, or in a clinical environment. In a research context, the APA’s Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (2017) states in section 8.08 that in order to reduce the risk of harm to participants, debriefing should occur quickly following the conclusion of the research. However, this is conflictual with debriefing as an early intervention in a clinical setting following assessment. The ISTSS (Forbes et al., 2020) reviewed evidence and found that debriefing interventions were largely ineffectual, including psychoeducation, in both individual and group interventions. It must be noted, though, that this was specific to those who had been exposed to trauma within the prior three months, and there appeared to be little research included for its use with survivors and refugees of civil war and genocide. This is relevant because the author of this paper, Emily Lutringer, is working to adapt the International Trauma Questionnaire (ITQ) (Cloitre et al., 2018) into cultural idioms of distress for Syrians, who have significant rates of multiple trauma exposures occurring for potentially over a decade (Hassan et al., 2015). In doing an assessment for research purposes, individuals may have been exposed to trauma longer than three months ago. ISTSS (Forbes et al., 2020) guidelines found strong evidence to recommend the following psychological treatments for adults with PTSD: cognitive processing therapy, cognitive therapy, EMDR, trauma-focused CBT, and prolonged exposure.

In conducting clinical assessments, there may be clients who are recently exposed to trauma, and therefore could partake in prevention and early interventions if they show symptoms of trauma on the assessment. ISTSS (Forbes et al., 2020) found that single sessions of EMDR and Group 512 PM had emerging evidence to prevent or treat symptoms of PTSD. Brief dyadic therapy and self-guided internet-based interventions also showed emerging evidence for multiple-session prevention. Stronger evidence was found in early treatment multi-session interventions of trauma-focused CBT, cognitive therapy, and EMDR. Of pharmacological interventions, only hydrocortisone showed emerging evidence.

In any situation in which an individual screens positively for trauma symptoms or PTSD, there may be barriers to accessing the most effective treatments – or even any interventions at all. Firstly, the interventions proposed by ISTSS (Forbes et al., 2020) are primarily Western models, and may not be culturally appropriate in other contexts (Narvaez, 2019). While ISTSS (Forbes et al., 2020) offers a few treatments which may have limited efficacy which could be culturally accessible, such as acupuncture, it is notably lacking in covering the evidence for interventions from indigenous psychologies which would be highly culturally relevant.

Another serious concern is the lack of access, such as low rates of mental health providers, remote areas, high demand with limited availability, and socioeconomic factors (Patel, 2007). Rojas et al. (2019) found that mental health care could be utilized in such situations through the use of internet-based interventions in a variety of formats, such as virtual counseling, phone apps, and specialized video games. As more people worldwide have access to the use of internet and cellphones, these interventions could reach larger populations and at lower costs. There are two caveats to this, though. Firstly, there are still many areas of the world without such internet or cell phone access. Secondly, internet and phone-based interventions appear to have mixed results in their effectiveness, although ISTSS was able to give a standard recommendation for the use of guided internet-based trauma-focused CBT in adults diagnosed with PTSD (Forbes et al., 2020).

Other barriers include stigma and poor mental health literacy (Wong et al., 2019). For example, Syrians typically hold strong stigmas around mental health and may be afraid to seek help for how others may judge them or their families (Hassan et al., 2015). Wong et al. (2019) had positive results in their pilot study evaluating the reduction of stigma through a mental health course in Hong Kong. Similar strategies for psychoeducation and normalization may be valuable when working with people in high-stigma cultures, as they may otherwise resist any PTSD intervention.

 Any mental health resources should include facilities or providers who have experience working with the specific population, to meet the ethical standard of competency (APA, 2017; IUPS, 2008). A researcher would ideally, finding an option that participants could engage in immediately after the study if they chose would allow them to process any trauma that came up without a waitlist. As the assessments are specifically measuring for trauma, a participant may suddenly become aware for the first time that they are suffering from a mental illness and may need immediate support. Furthermore, providing exceptional mental health and other resources is critical to preventing the re-enactment of trauma or intergenerational trauma which could lead to a continued cycle of violence (van der Kolk & McFarlane, 1996). It constitutes the ethical responsibilities of beneficence and nonmaleficence, fidelity and responsibility, justice, and respect for people’s rights and dignity (APA, 2017) not only to individual participants, but in taking a responsibility in the reduction of harm in communities as well.

References

American Psychological Association [APA]. (2017). Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct. https://www.apa.org/ethics/code

Cloitre, M., Shevlin M., Brewin, C.R., Bisson, J.I., Roberts, N.P., Maercker, A., Karatzias, T., Hyland, P. (2018). The International Trauma Questionnaire: Development of a self-report measure of ICD-11 PTSD and Complex PTSD. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica. DOI: 10.1111/acps.12956

Hassan, G., Kirmayer, L.J., Mekki-Berrada A., Quosh, C., el Chammay, R., Deville-Stoetzel, J.B., Youssef, A., Jefee-Bahloul, H., Barkeel-Oteo, A., Coutts, A., Song, S. & Ventevogel, P. (2015). Culture, Context and the Mental Health and Psychosocial Wellbeing of Syrians: A Review for Mental Health and Psychosocial Support staff working with Syrians Affected by Armed Conflict. Geneva: UNHCR.

International Union of Psychological Science [IUPS]. (2008). Universal Declaration of Ethical Principles for Psychologists. https://www.iupsys.net/about/governance/universal-declaration-of-ethical-principles-for-psychologists.html

Narvaez, D.F. (October 20, 2019). Indigenous Psychologies Contrast With Western Psychology. Psychology Today. https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/moral-landscapes/201910/indigenous-psychologies-contrast-western-psychology

Patel, V. (2007). Mental health in low-and middle-income countries. British medical bulletin81(1), 81-96.

Rojas, G., Martínez, V., Martínez, P., Franco, P., & Jiménez-Molina, Á. (2019). Improving Mental Health Care in Developing Countries Through Digital Technologies: A Mini Narrative Review of the Chilean Case. Frontiers in public health7, 391. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2019.00391

Van der Kolk, B.A. & McFarlane, A.C. (1996). Traumatic Stress: The Effects of Overwhelming Experience on Mind, Body, and Society. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. 

Wong, P. W. C., Arat, G., Ambrose, M. R., Qiuyuan, K. X., & Borschel, M. (2019). Evaluation of a mental health course for stigma reduction: A pilot study. Cogent Psychology, 6(1), Article 1595877. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2019.1595877

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Cross-Cultural Adaptation of Trauma Instruments

The seven steps provided by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011) for the cultural adaptation of health care assessment instruments primarily focuses on translation. This does include some cultural considerations as well, and they suggest it best to use translators who are not only fluent in both languages, but also from the culture in question, in order to capture meanings accurately rather than a direct word-for-word translation.

The seven steps are:

  1. Initial translation from the original language of the instrument into the language sought for adaptation by two translators. One of translators should also possess fluency in the scientific terminology of the discipline being used, while the other should not be, but still familiar with common expressions related to the discipline.
  2. Initial synthesis – comparing both the original and translated instruments by a separate translator for accuracy of meanings. Any discrepancies would be handled by a meeting between all translators to decide on the best meaning to use.
  3. The newly updated translated instrument from the previous step is then back-translated to the original language by two other translators who have never seen the original instrument. These translators should possess similar qualities to the initial two translators.
  4. Secondary synthesis – The two back-translated instruments are compared, and any discrepancies are similarly resolved as the initial synthesis by consensus, and all versions of both the translated versions and back-translated versions are compared.
  5. Pilot test the first draft of the instrument with individuals who speak the target language only and are not bi-lingual. The participants rate the questions, instructions, and items on the assessment itself for being clear or unclear. The use of an expert panel who are within the discipline or have knowledge of it is also recommended for this step to evaluate the clarity.
  6. Preliminary stage testing with participants who are bilingual. This often is skipped over in testing instruments, but it can be a valuable step if it is incorporated.
  7. Complete full testing with the final draft of the translated instrument using a sample from the target population. This test can help to iron out any final inconsistencies or issues, and can be used to determine the general validity and reliability of the instrument.

Raghavan (2018) shares recommendations when conducting assessments for survivors of torture, but, these suggestions are also highly useful to consider for any cross-cultural adaptation of assessments and instruments. These recommendations are based in the premise that cultural contextual factors are critically important to understanding, assessing, and treating how individuals from differing backgrounds express, conceptualize, and experience mental illness. Some researchers believe that inconsistencies in assessments and instruments cross-culturally are not due to actual differences in the rates and underlying symptomology of a mental illness, but rather that the measurement tool does not accurately portray definitions or options which reflect the cultural viewpoint of those being assessed.

These strategies include:

  1. Cultural idioms of distress. How mental illness manifests within a culture, how it is commonly understood and described, and experienced. Many collectivistic cultures use somatic symptoms to express mental distress, for example.
  2. Impact of Interpreters. When clients or participants must use an interpreter to communicate with a provider or researcher, the true meaning of what they try to convey may be misconstrued or lost. Furthermore, the skills and bias of the interpreter may alter both the meaning of the client/participant and the clinician/researcher, and the interpreter may suffer from secondary trauma. It would be best to use a researcher/clinician who is already fluent in the client’s language, but, if this is not possible, using an interpreter is still a better option than not using one.
  3. Cross-cultural equivalence of measures. Five criteria are proposed to determine if measures are equivalent in differing cultures, such as being contextually relevant, differences in the cultural understanding of constructs, or if the method of data collection itself creates a response bias, or is inaccessible to some.
  4. Adaptation and Translation of Measures. Here Raghavan (2018) seems to agree with the steps of translation proposed by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011).
  5. Use of culture-specific normative data. This consists of the baseline sample to which the assessment would be comparing. For example, the normative data would be the general rate of PTSD among community members in Guatemala, but the assessment would be measuring rates of PTSD of Guatemalan refugees. Rather than comparing to PTSD rates among worldwide populations, this ensures that there is accuracy within a cultural framework.

In reviewing a study by Oe et al. (2020), the researchers did make use of the above steps by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011) and recommendations by Raghavan (2018). They used a Japanese-developed trauma screen, the TEC-J, and compared this with the Global Psychotrauma Screen (GPS) which was developed elsewhere and then modified/translated for use in Japan using the guidelines by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011). The use of the TEC-J is important because it was developed internal to the culture in question, and therefore included culturally relevant considerations in its design (Oe et al., 2020). However, this may be outdated, as the TEC-J was developed in the 1990s and therefore avoided asking about highly taboo topics in Japan such as childhood sexual abuse. It is unclear whether this would still be such a taboo today to the point that it would be avoided on an instrument all together. In their analysis, Oe et al. (2020) consider cultural factors which may have impacted the scores particularly on the GPS, including response bias as mentioned by Raghavan (2018). One limitation, which is mentioned by the authors (Oe et al., 2020), is that the sample was skewed to those with severe trauma and who were seeking help; in other words, no normative data for comparison (Raghavan, 2018).

References

Raghavan, S. S. (2019). Cultural Considerations in the Assessment of Survivors of Torture. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 21(3), 586-595. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10903-018-0787-5

Sousa, V.D. & Rojjanasrirat, W. (2011). Translation, adaptation and validation of instruments or scales for use in cross-cultural health care research: A clear and user-friendly guideline. Journal of Evaluation in Clinical Practice, 17, 268–274. 

Oe, M., Kobayashi, Y., Ishida, T., Chiba, H., Matsuoka, M., Kakuma, T., Frewen, P. & Olff, M. (2020). Screening for psychotrauma related symptoms: Japanese translation and pilot testing of the Global Psychotrauma Screen. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 11(1). 

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Sway Presentation: Traumatic Stress & Syrian Cultural Conceptualizations

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Based on the Filipino context, how might we collaborate with local businesses in terms of corporate social responsibility for trauma-based initiatives?

Neilson & Samia (2008) state that social enterprise development is important in addressing some of the challenges for local businesses in developing countries, such as the Philippines. These models identify the transformation in individual lives and communities that come along with increased incomes and self-reliance among the disadvantaged populations. In reviewing past studies in other locations, Neilson & Samia (2008) say, “results do indicate that economic development and social transformation are interconnected…” (p.448). For a country which has suffered hundreds of years of colonial trauma, as well as trauma under the dictator Marcos, and now the extra-judicial violence and authoritarian policies of President Duterte, and again in dealing with multiple losses of homes and lives from repeated typhoons, social transformation is a method to both increasing economical stability can also address issues of trauma, for example as through empowerment. However, there has been limited research on these models, especially in the Philippines, as of the publication date of 2008 (Neilson & Samia, 2008). The Philippines has expressed a desire to reach “developed country status by 2020” (Neilson & Samia, 2008, p.447), which has clearly not materialized, but knowing that this is a goal for the country helps gain momentum on projects which aim to support local businesses.

As seen in the case study of Nelly Nacino’s social enterprise system in the Philippines (Neilson & Samia, 2008), many branches and webs are required to sustain a business model, with multiple projects, in conjunction with parts of the government, groups of subcontactors addressing different roles, and development of assistance of other organizations. Because of the collective nature of the Philippines, this seems especially relevant, and it seems they all must find a multitude of ways to fund themselves and create opportunities. Use of tools such as microfinancing and allowing employees to take loans which they can pay back as they are able for the equipment they need allow for individuals to find employment in areas where they might not have been able to otherwise. Training and education should also be a part of the model, to continue to promote from within and to also assist in recruiting newcomers, ultimately seeking to benefit a whole community of people rather than an elite few. Initial capital funding, motivated entrepreneurs, and training in leadership and management are needed to begin such a business.

SAFFY/ SAFRUDI (SAFFY, 2019) represents a sustainable business model in the Philippines which is also working in supporting trauma-based initiatives. They provide a network through which individual merchants and artisans can produce their goods, which are then sold in bulk to an international market. This means that these producers are able to have a reliable, consistent income that runs at a higher price than they would get for their goods at local markets. Strictly adhering to the principles in the WTFO Fair Trade principles means that SAFFY ensures that they make sure producers have good working conditions, providing training, workshops and conferences for local producers, transparency with local producers as well as with their trade partners in all aspects of business, and assist the producers in being environmentally responsible, among other aspects. All of these factors means that opportunity is created for local Filipinos who might not otherwise be able to make a living while supporting their artistic and cultural work, which enhances the livelihoods of individuals and families, and ripples into creating sustainable models and increased economies in local communities. Furthermore, SAFFY works to provide a layer of protection for the producers, such as continuing to provide funds and capital for them during COVID, shielding them in some regards from the devastation and subsequent traumas of the pandemic.

References

Nielsen, C., & Samia, P. M. (2008). Understanding key factors in social enterprise development of the BOP: A systems approach applied to case studies in the Philippines. Journal of Consumer Marketing, 25(7), 446-454. doi:10.1108/07363760810915662

SAFFY. (2019). About Us. http://www.saffyinc.com/about-us/