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Adaptation of Adult Trauma Assessment Instruments for Children & Adolescents

Adapting a trauma assessment for children and adolescents can be done based on an existing assessment for adults. Certain considerations need to be made for how children and adolescents understand and experience trauma in ways which are different from adults. Steps which outline how to do this can serve as useful guidelines. Assessment for trauma also can limit the long-term impacts of trauma, such as other psychiatric disorders, impaired functioning, and physical health problems (Berliner et al., 2020).

In some respects, adapting instruments meant for adult assessment to screen for trauma in children is similar to doing cross-cultural adaptations of instruments. Language needs to be understood and relevant for children (Grace et al., 2021), just as terms translated to other languages need to impart the same meanings within differing cultural contexts. Trauma assessments have typically focused on broad age ranges for children and adolescents, such as ages 6 to 17 for the Child Trauma Screen (Lang & Connell, 2018). However, there are dramatic developmental differences between children of different ages, and especially between children and adolescents (Grace et al., 2021). Many prior screens do not account for this, and also “did not report collecting data from children and adolescents on how to better articulate the screening items for them” (Grace et al., 2021, p. 2). Additionally, symptom presentations in children with PTSD are frequently left out of assessments, including somatic symptoms (often stomachaches and headaches), separation anxiety or clinging, regression of developmental skills (such as bedwetting), reckless behaviors, old fears suddenly reemerging, as well as symptoms which overlap with and may be misdiagnosed as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder such as hyperactivity, impulsivity, distractibility, and loss of focus and concentration (Kaminer et al., 2005). In their outline of steps to adapt an assessment cross-culturally, Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011) list the crucial fifth step as conducting a pilot study with the intended population, who then give feedback and rate the assessment questions, instructions, and items for their clarity and relevance. This step seems to be largely ignored when adapting assessments to children and adolescents, although it seems to be incredibly important to developing an accurate measure.

Moreover, other suggestions for cross-cultural adaptation would be very useful. Raghavan (2018) describes multiple considerations in this regard. Two of these stand out as particularly important additional considerations when adapting adult assessments for children and adolescents. Firstly, is the understanding of cultural idioms of distress. In this case, understanding how children express themselves and communicate amongst each other is valuable. This would mean that assessments may need to be reviewed every few years to ensure it is matching the current trends of how children and adolescents communicate and the terminology that they use. Another point made by Raghavan (2018) is the impact of interpreters. In this case, it would be the impact of the researcher, clinician, or administrator of the assessment. Considerations on this should be explicitly outlined in the assessment instructions by the development team. For example, a teacher administering an assessment may get a very different response from participants than a stoic but impartial researcher who is a stranger to the child, and also differing from a counselor who specializes in working with children and, even if a stranger, may know how to build safety and rapport with the child in the span of a few minutes.

Another consideration is that children may have trouble rating items on a Likert scale, as their memory and concepts of time differ from adults, so the use of Yes/No questions is preferable (Grace et al., 2021). Assessments which allow the child to self-report rather than relying solely on caregiver reports are more accurate (Sacher et al., 2017), although the use of caregiver reports or interviews can also provide important observations in a variety of contexts from someone who knows the child well (Berliner et al., 2020). It should be noted, however, that children and adolescents are particularly subject to suggestive statements, so assessment items which use first-person statements may lead them to be more likely to agree with those statements even if they do not accurately reflect the child’s experience (Grace et al., 2021).

 An important ethical consideration is if the assessment is being given within a clinical setting. If it is not, such as within a school, assessments which ask about a child’s traumatic exposure may cause distress or traumatization. However, for most children, assessments do not increase distress, although it has a higher likelihood of doing so in children who are having symptoms related to trauma (Berliner et al., 2020). Still, it must be considered if there is availability and access (including parental consent and financial resources) to initiate immediate treatment for a child who screens positively for trauma, as without such services, a trauma screening has the potential for harm (Grace et al., 2020). One other point is that there may be a tendency of assessments to not consider the child’s cultural context, such as those who live in dangerous communities, for whom what might appear as a high symptomology of hypervigilance is, in reality, a critical survival skill in their current situation (Grace et al., 2020).

Furthermore, it must be considered if the child’s family is the source of interpersonal trauma, in which case, an assessment could create intense fear and ramifications for the child at home (Berliner, 2020). This does not mean that such potential children should not be screened at all – in fact, early assessment and treatment is vital to ending abusive situations and providing healing for the child. Rather, that when doing an assessment, a plan should be in place in how to handle such situations. This includes the administrator’s familiarity with mandated reporting laws and procedures in the location the assessment is taken (Berliner, 2020). The context of the family can both be an exacerbator of trauma symptoms or a vital support network and conducting and development of assessments should take this into account, although its most valuable use is for clinicians who are treating traumatic symptoms in a child in working with the family.

References

Berliner, L., Meiser-Stedman, R., & Danese, A. (2020). Screening, assessment, and diagnosis in children and adolescents. In Effective Treatments for PTSD, 3rd ed. Forbes, D., Bisson, J.I., Monson, C.M., & Berliner, L., eds. The Guilford Press.

Foa, E.B., Asnaani, A., Zang, Y., Capaldi, S., & Yeh, R. (2018). Psychometrics of the Child   PTSD Symptom Scale for DSM-5 for trauma-exposed children and adolescents. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology, 47(1), 38–46.

Grace, E., Sotilleo, S., Rogers, R., Doe, R., & Olff, M. (2021). Semantic adaptation of the Global Psychotrauma Screen for children and adolescents in the United States. European journal of psychotraumatology12(1), 1911080.         https://doi.org/10.1080/20008198.2021.1911080

Kaminer, D., Seedat, S., & Stein, D. J. (2005). Post-traumatic stress disorder in children. World psychiatry : official journal of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA)4(2), 121–125.

Lang, J., & Connell, C. (2018). The Child Trauma Screen: A follow-up validation. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 31(4), 540-548.

Sachser, C., Berliner, L., Holt, T., Jensen, T.K., Jungbluth, N.J., Risch, E.C., Rosner, R., & Goldbeck, L. (2017). International development and psychometric properties of the Child and Adolescent Trauma Screen (CATS). Journal of affective disorders, 210, 189-195 .

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Cross-Cultural Adaptation of Trauma Instruments

The seven steps provided by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011) for the cultural adaptation of health care assessment instruments primarily focuses on translation. This does include some cultural considerations as well, and they suggest it best to use translators who are not only fluent in both languages, but also from the culture in question, in order to capture meanings accurately rather than a direct word-for-word translation.

The seven steps are:

  1. Initial translation from the original language of the instrument into the language sought for adaptation by two translators. One of translators should also possess fluency in the scientific terminology of the discipline being used, while the other should not be, but still familiar with common expressions related to the discipline.
  2. Initial synthesis – comparing both the original and translated instruments by a separate translator for accuracy of meanings. Any discrepancies would be handled by a meeting between all translators to decide on the best meaning to use.
  3. The newly updated translated instrument from the previous step is then back-translated to the original language by two other translators who have never seen the original instrument. These translators should possess similar qualities to the initial two translators.
  4. Secondary synthesis – The two back-translated instruments are compared, and any discrepancies are similarly resolved as the initial synthesis by consensus, and all versions of both the translated versions and back-translated versions are compared.
  5. Pilot test the first draft of the instrument with individuals who speak the target language only and are not bi-lingual. The participants rate the questions, instructions, and items on the assessment itself for being clear or unclear. The use of an expert panel who are within the discipline or have knowledge of it is also recommended for this step to evaluate the clarity.
  6. Preliminary stage testing with participants who are bilingual. This often is skipped over in testing instruments, but it can be a valuable step if it is incorporated.
  7. Complete full testing with the final draft of the translated instrument using a sample from the target population. This test can help to iron out any final inconsistencies or issues, and can be used to determine the general validity and reliability of the instrument.

Raghavan (2018) shares recommendations when conducting assessments for survivors of torture, but, these suggestions are also highly useful to consider for any cross-cultural adaptation of assessments and instruments. These recommendations are based in the premise that cultural contextual factors are critically important to understanding, assessing, and treating how individuals from differing backgrounds express, conceptualize, and experience mental illness. Some researchers believe that inconsistencies in assessments and instruments cross-culturally are not due to actual differences in the rates and underlying symptomology of a mental illness, but rather that the measurement tool does not accurately portray definitions or options which reflect the cultural viewpoint of those being assessed.

These strategies include:

  1. Cultural idioms of distress. How mental illness manifests within a culture, how it is commonly understood and described, and experienced. Many collectivistic cultures use somatic symptoms to express mental distress, for example.
  2. Impact of Interpreters. When clients or participants must use an interpreter to communicate with a provider or researcher, the true meaning of what they try to convey may be misconstrued or lost. Furthermore, the skills and bias of the interpreter may alter both the meaning of the client/participant and the clinician/researcher, and the interpreter may suffer from secondary trauma. It would be best to use a researcher/clinician who is already fluent in the client’s language, but, if this is not possible, using an interpreter is still a better option than not using one.
  3. Cross-cultural equivalence of measures. Five criteria are proposed to determine if measures are equivalent in differing cultures, such as being contextually relevant, differences in the cultural understanding of constructs, or if the method of data collection itself creates a response bias, or is inaccessible to some.
  4. Adaptation and Translation of Measures. Here Raghavan (2018) seems to agree with the steps of translation proposed by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011).
  5. Use of culture-specific normative data. This consists of the baseline sample to which the assessment would be comparing. For example, the normative data would be the general rate of PTSD among community members in Guatemala, but the assessment would be measuring rates of PTSD of Guatemalan refugees. Rather than comparing to PTSD rates among worldwide populations, this ensures that there is accuracy within a cultural framework.

In reviewing a study by Oe et al. (2020), the researchers did make use of the above steps by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011) and recommendations by Raghavan (2018). They used a Japanese-developed trauma screen, the TEC-J, and compared this with the Global Psychotrauma Screen (GPS) which was developed elsewhere and then modified/translated for use in Japan using the guidelines by Sousa and Rojjanasrirat (2011). The use of the TEC-J is important because it was developed internal to the culture in question, and therefore included culturally relevant considerations in its design (Oe et al., 2020). However, this may be outdated, as the TEC-J was developed in the 1990s and therefore avoided asking about highly taboo topics in Japan such as childhood sexual abuse. It is unclear whether this would still be such a taboo today to the point that it would be avoided on an instrument all together. In their analysis, Oe et al. (2020) consider cultural factors which may have impacted the scores particularly on the GPS, including response bias as mentioned by Raghavan (2018). One limitation, which is mentioned by the authors (Oe et al., 2020), is that the sample was skewed to those with severe trauma and who were seeking help; in other words, no normative data for comparison (Raghavan, 2018).

References

Raghavan, S. S. (2019). Cultural Considerations in the Assessment of Survivors of Torture. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 21(3), 586-595. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10903-018-0787-5

Sousa, V.D. & Rojjanasrirat, W. (2011). Translation, adaptation and validation of instruments or scales for use in cross-cultural health care research: A clear and user-friendly guideline. Journal of Evaluation in Clinical Practice, 17, 268–274. 

Oe, M., Kobayashi, Y., Ishida, T., Chiba, H., Matsuoka, M., Kakuma, T., Frewen, P. & Olff, M. (2020). Screening for psychotrauma related symptoms: Japanese translation and pilot testing of the Global Psychotrauma Screen. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 11(1). 

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Symptoms of PTSD and Complex PTSD in Western Cultures & Syrian Culture

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a psychological disorder which is included in both the DSM and the ICD-11, but only the ICD-11 explicitly includes a distinction of Complex PTSD (CPTSD) (Cloitre et al., 2019). The inclusion of CPTSD is important, as it encompasses research on how PTSD manifests within prolonged or repeated trauma exposure, particularly in early childhood, but also include the impacts of cultural and collective trauma (Hirschberger, 2018), such as that which is experienced in mass catastrophic events such as war, genocide, slavery, colonization, racial trauma (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019), etc., and intergenerational trauma (Yehuda & Lehrner, 2018). The civil war in Syria, ongoing since 2011, is one example of such a significant collective trauma, which may have lasting intergenerational trauma effects. However, the Western medical-style model of diagnosis of mental illnesses does not explicitly account for cultural differences in how Syrians experience, understand, and express trauma.

Van der Kolk and McFarlane (1997), who provide a deep understanding of the multitude of ways that trauma can manifest beyond what manuals like the DSM provide or ICD-11 provide, write that “experiencing trauma is an essential part of being human; history is written in blood” (p.3). Traumatic experiences can vary in their intensity, and whether they develop into the pathology of PTSD depends on their context, and the coping skills of the individual experiencing the event. Some people can process such traumatic exposures in ways which allow them to return to healthy functioning, while others do not. Those that develop PTSD start to develop unhealthy defense mechanisms and behaviors to avoid even subtle reminders of the trauma, which can affect the entire way that they structure their lives. “The core issue is the inability to integrate the reality of particular experiences, and the resulting repetitive replaying of the trauma in images, behaviors, feelings, physiological states, and interpersonal relationships” (van der Kolk & McFarlane, 1997, p.7). In most cases, PTSD is spurned from a singular event, or tightly clustered events, while CPTSD occurs when there is repeated or prolonged exposure to traumatic situations, such as child abuse at a critical stage of development. Due to the nature of PTSD broadly, trauma victims tend to reenact (usually subconsciously) the trauma in other aspects of their lives, leading to continued traumatic experiences, further deepening the complexity of CPTSD (Foa et al., 2009).

Whole societies and cultures can also be traumatized and can follow “roughly similar patterns of adaptation and disintegration” (van der Kolk & McFarlane, 1997, p. 3) as traumatized individuals. States can react to traumatized populations in various ways – in the U.S. it is typically with some immediate compassion, but a fallback on an attitude of blaming victims as their own responsibility for the trauma, seeking to maintain the status quo, and projecting a message of safety for society (van der Kolk & McFarlane, 1997). When considering the case of Syria, the authoritarian regime has sought to eradicate trauma narratives and instead impose their own version of the story through such tactics as monopolizing higher education to maintain their power and enforce their political agenda. (Al Azmeth et al., 2020). Matos et al. (2021) found that “…war severely disrupted Syrians’ sense of collective self, and that they repeatedly engaged in search for meaning, appraisals of the war, and reappraisals of shattered beliefs, life goals, and sense of purpose, both during wartime and in resettlement” (p.1).

Vallieres et al. (2018) conducted a study of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, using the International Trauma Questionnaire (ITQ) and the ICD-11 in examining both CPTSD and PTSD levels and validity for this population. They found that CPTSD was more prevalent than PTSD, and that the ICD-11 and ITQ were cross-culturally applicable – with some limitations. The levels of traumatic exposure were high, with the events ranked as most distressing by participants being forced displacement, bombings, and losing loved ones both through unexpected deaths and forced separations. Participants shared that they felt that the questionnaire seemed to be understanding of their experience. One noted limitation was that common symptoms were amnesia and lack of concentration, but these weren’t addressed in the ITQ questionnaire. Participants also felt some of the questions were irrelevant to their situation and cultural context. It was also noted that completing the questionnaire was unfamiliar and challenging to many refugees – so it may be that the use of such assessments give poor reliability within this cultural context. Furthermore, the trauma of some participants made them hesitant in answering some of the questions, invoking what would appear to be paranoia and hypervigilance. The authors suggest that the use of such questionnaires or assessments may first require a building of rapport and trust with the person administering them. This challenges the Western model of research, in which the researcher is to remain unbiased and emotionally removed from the participants (Jhangiani & Tarry, 2014).

Syrians express trauma and mental illness differently from Western societies. A study on PTSD and CPTSD using the ICD-11 in the US did not include questions or measures on somatic symptoms (Cloitre et al., 2019). The above study on Syrian refugees by Vallieres et al. (2018) similarly did not include somatic symptoms. However, somatic descriptions were commonly found as expressions of mental illness, distress, and trauma in other studies (Barkil-Oteo, 2018; Borho et al., 2021; Hassan et al., 2015). Barkil-Oteo et al. (2018) state that traditional, even culturally adapted, measures were insufficient in capturing the true range of symptoms experienced by refugees, who, in addition to prior trauma exposures, have “both repeated and ongoing traumatic triggers (fear from the past, current uncertainties, new traumas)” (p.9). They noted high prevalence of fainting, dizziness, weakness, and chronic pain in this population which had been ruled out of medical causes. Patients often first presented with such physical complaints before sharing emotional or mental distress. Borho et al. (2021) found a high correlation between somatic complaints and traumatic exposures, stress, and depression and anxiety symptoms in Syrian refugees in Germany. Syrians “do not separate somatic experience and psychological symptoms, because body and soul are interlinked in explanatory models of illness” (Hassan et al., 2015, p. 22).  One explanation for this emphasis on psychical symptoms is that mental illness is not well understood and is highly stigmatized in Syrian culture. Furthermore, the cultural framework within both Islam and Christianity (the primary religions of Syria) is that suffering is a part of being alive and does not need special interventions unless it is severe. However, with the increased normalization of mental health within host countries and among communities of refugees, knowledge and awareness of mental health and PTSD are growing and losing some of their stigma.

Hasan et al. (2015) provide a comprehensive overview of culturally specific idioms of distress for Syrian peoples. For example, saying one is tired or their psyche is tired “refers to a general state of ill being and may stand for a range of emotional symptoms, but also for relationship difficulties” (Hassan et al., 2015, p. 22). Ruminative thoughts are attributed to the influence of the devil, and severe mental and emotional disorders are sometimes considered to be the work of mischievous or evil spirits such as jinn. Symptoms of mental distress, which can also be comorbid with PTSD and CPTSD include such things as anxiety, depression, cognitive difficulties, helplessness, anger or aggression, and extreme stress, are often described in proverbs or metaphors. Western-trained professionals may misconstrue these as psychotic indicators. An example of a somatic description of fear or anxiety is a literal sensation of one’s heart crumbling or falling. An example of a metaphorical description for helplessness is “the eye sees but the hand is short or cannot reach” (Hassan et al., 2015, p. 23).

There is very little research on Syrians’ mental health, including trauma rates and responses, from before the onset of the war in 2011. Therefore, much of the research today comes from Syrian refugees residing outside of Syria. Furthermore, nearly all the research is focused on trauma exposures and PTSD rather than CPTSD. As noted previously, notions of mental illness and trauma are becoming increasingly normalized in this population, so, the conceptualizations and experiences of trauma may also be shifting to align more with those of the host countries’. Collective trauma is extensive in the case of the Syrian war, and the primary coping method of social connection (Hassan et al., 2015) – of extreme importance in collectivistic cultures – is radically disrupted, damaging possible resilience pathways for many Syrians.

References

Al Azmeh, Z., Dillabough, J., Fimyar, O., McLaughlin, C., Abdullateef, S., Aloklah, W. A., … &      Kadan, B. (2021). Cultural trauma and the politics of access to higher education in    Syria. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education42(4), 528-543.

Barkil-Oteo, A., Abdallah, W., Mourra, S., & Jefee-Bahloul, H. (2018). Trauma and resiliency: A    tale of a Syrian refugee. American journal of psychiatry175(1), 8-12.

Borho, A., Morawa, E., Schmitt, G.M. et al. (2021). Somatic distress among Syrian refugees          with residence permission in Germany: analysis of a cross-sectional register-based study. BMC Public Health 21896. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-021-10731-x

Cloitre, M., Hyland, P., Bisson, J. I., Brewin, C. R., Roberts, N. P., Karatzias, T., & Shevlin, M.     (2019). ICD‐11 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Complex Posttraumatic Stress   Disorder in the United States: A population‐based study. Journal of Traumatic Stress,   32(6), 833–842.

Comas-Díaz L, Hall, G. N., & Neville, H. A. (2019). Racial trauma: theory, research, and      healing: introduction to the special issue. The American Psychologist, 74(1), 1–5.

Foa, E.B., Keane, T.M., Friedman, M.J., & Cohen, J.A. (2009). Effective Treatments for PTSD.        Practice Guidelines from the International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies (2nd ed.).        New York, NY: The Guilford Press. 

Hassan, G., Kirmayer, L.J., Mekki-Berrada A., Quosh, C., el Chammay, R., Deville-Stoetzel,          J.B., Youssef, A., Jefee-Bahloul, H., Barkeel-Oteo, A., Coutts, A., Song, S. & Ventevogel,          P. (2015). Culture, Context and the Mental Health and Psychosocial Wellbeing of      Syrians: A Review for Mental Health and Psychosocial Support staff working with     Syrians Affected by Armed Conflict. Geneva: UNHCR.

Hirschberger, G. (2018). Collective trauma and the social construction of meaning. Frontiers of     Psychology, 9, 1441.

Jhangiani, R. & Tarry, H. (2014). Conducting research in social psychology. Principles of social     psychology – 1st international ed.             https://opentextbc.ca/socialpsychology/chapter/conducting-research-in-social-            psychology/

Matos, L., Costa, P.A., Park, C.L., Indart, M.J., & Leal, I. (2021). ‘The war made me a better   person’: Syrian refugees’ meaning-making – Trajectories in the aftermath of collective        trauma. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health18. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18168481

Vallières, F., Ceannt, R., Daccache, F., Abou Daher, R., Sleiman, J., Gilmore, B., … & Hyland, P.       (2018). Are posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and complex-PTSD distinguishable            within a treatment-seeking sample of Syrian refugees living in Lebanon?. Global Mental       Health5. DOI: 10.1111/acps.12973

Van der Kolk, B.A. & McFarlane, A.C. (1996). Traumatic Stress: The Effects of Overwhelming            Experience on Mind, Body, and Society. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.  Yehuda, R., & Lehrner, A. (2018). Intergenerational transmission of trauma effects: Putative role   of epigenetic mechanisms. World Psychiatry, 17(3), 243–257

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Sway Presentation: Traumatic Stress & Syrian Cultural Conceptualizations