Categories
Papers, Docs, and Essays

Based on the Filipino context, what are the strengths and challenges for collaborating with local businesses to support corporate social responsibility for trauma-based initiatives?

A strength of collaborating with local businesses in the Philippines to support corporate social responsibility for trauma-based initiatives is the growth of interest and towards supporting populations in developing countries which provide incomes in addition to overall development (Nielson & Samia, 2008). These types of developments can also be a support to mental health, such as in the case of SAFFY (SAFFY, 2019).  However, challenges which are mentioned in Nielson & Samia (2008), and also in my talks with SAFFY, is the difficulty in selling products at local markets where they earn little for their products and be unable to reach a larger scale of consumers.

Other significant challenges are the lack of a country-wide system and structure to focus efforts on small local businesses rather than large corporations (Nielson & Samia, 2008). Furthermore, initial training in leadership and management, marketing, and having upfront capital are needed, in a somewhat ironic cycle, for a business to prove its viability and usefulness, upon which they may be able to gain additional funding such as from government programs or NGOs, but often the initial stages must come from the grit and pockets of the founders themselves. This can be challenging in areas where people are severely impoverished, and because of social-economical factors which perpetuate themselves and prevent the poor from moving up, many may struggle with appropriate education, or even basic literacy.

Another issue to consider is both the large amount of overseas workers who have been “exported” from the Philippines, due to lack of economic viability within their own country, causing the loss of these intelligent and hardworking individuals who could instead be participating directly in the Philippine workforce (Watt, 2015). In the Philippines, however, these workers are seen as heroes who sacrifice their desire to remain with their family in order to instead send back money which can support family members and also build the economy within the Philippines.

Furthermore, there is a large section of workers in the Philippines who constitute the informal sector (Ofreneo, 2013). These workers are not formally employed by a company, but often hustle in various capacities to earn a daily living, and do not pay taxes to the government. While these workers must certainly have strength of determination, creativity, and adaptability, many times they lack an organized network, additional funding, or the training to implement a movement from these informal skills to creating a viable business. Ofreneo (2013) argues that a “rights based’ approach to social protection, via the passage of protective labor laws for the vulnerable, is insufficient to secure such protection, given the weakness of the economy” (p.421). Therefore, policies and laws for these protections are not completely invaluable, but rather do not target the whole picture of needs to move the economy forward for these workers, in addition to addressing the social transformation and mental health needs of both individuals and communities who have undergone collective trauma.

A strength in the above regard is that there are already organizations which aspire to empower and build people up who might not otherwise have opportunities to do such, such as the work of SAFFY, Pakisama, and Solidarity with Orphans and Widows.  There is a definite need for these types of organizations, and it is inspiring to see their work carving out grassroots efforts to address the above problems, while simultaneously addressing implications and effects of longstanding, as well as immediate, trauma.

References

Nielsen, C., & Samia, P. M. (2008). Understanding key factors in social enterprise development of the BOP: A systems approach applied to case studies in the Philippines. Journal of Consumer Marketing, 25(7), 446-454. doi:10.1108/07363760810915662

Ofreneo, R. E. (2013). Precarious Philippines: Expanding informal sector, “flexibilizing” labor market. American Behavioral Scientist, 57(4), 420-443. doi:10.1177/0002764212466237

SAFFY. (2019). About Us. http://www.saffyinc.com/about-us/

Watt, G. (2015, September 13). BBC HardTalk on the Road in the Philippines . YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A0XUQa55OhI&t=504s

Categories
Papers, Docs, and Essays

Based on the Filipino context, how might we collaborate with local businesses in terms of corporate social responsibility for trauma-based initiatives?

Neilson & Samia (2008) state that social enterprise development is important in addressing some of the challenges for local businesses in developing countries, such as the Philippines. These models identify the transformation in individual lives and communities that come along with increased incomes and self-reliance among the disadvantaged populations. In reviewing past studies in other locations, Neilson & Samia (2008) say, “results do indicate that economic development and social transformation are interconnected…” (p.448). For a country which has suffered hundreds of years of colonial trauma, as well as trauma under the dictator Marcos, and now the extra-judicial violence and authoritarian policies of President Duterte, and again in dealing with multiple losses of homes and lives from repeated typhoons, social transformation is a method to both increasing economical stability can also address issues of trauma, for example as through empowerment. However, there has been limited research on these models, especially in the Philippines, as of the publication date of 2008 (Neilson & Samia, 2008). The Philippines has expressed a desire to reach “developed country status by 2020” (Neilson & Samia, 2008, p.447), which has clearly not materialized, but knowing that this is a goal for the country helps gain momentum on projects which aim to support local businesses.

As seen in the case study of Nelly Nacino’s social enterprise system in the Philippines (Neilson & Samia, 2008), many branches and webs are required to sustain a business model, with multiple projects, in conjunction with parts of the government, groups of subcontactors addressing different roles, and development of assistance of other organizations. Because of the collective nature of the Philippines, this seems especially relevant, and it seems they all must find a multitude of ways to fund themselves and create opportunities. Use of tools such as microfinancing and allowing employees to take loans which they can pay back as they are able for the equipment they need allow for individuals to find employment in areas where they might not have been able to otherwise. Training and education should also be a part of the model, to continue to promote from within and to also assist in recruiting newcomers, ultimately seeking to benefit a whole community of people rather than an elite few. Initial capital funding, motivated entrepreneurs, and training in leadership and management are needed to begin such a business.

SAFFY/ SAFRUDI (SAFFY, 2019) represents a sustainable business model in the Philippines which is also working in supporting trauma-based initiatives. They provide a network through which individual merchants and artisans can produce their goods, which are then sold in bulk to an international market. This means that these producers are able to have a reliable, consistent income that runs at a higher price than they would get for their goods at local markets. Strictly adhering to the principles in the WTFO Fair Trade principles means that SAFFY ensures that they make sure producers have good working conditions, providing training, workshops and conferences for local producers, transparency with local producers as well as with their trade partners in all aspects of business, and assist the producers in being environmentally responsible, among other aspects. All of these factors means that opportunity is created for local Filipinos who might not otherwise be able to make a living while supporting their artistic and cultural work, which enhances the livelihoods of individuals and families, and ripples into creating sustainable models and increased economies in local communities. Furthermore, SAFFY works to provide a layer of protection for the producers, such as continuing to provide funds and capital for them during COVID, shielding them in some regards from the devastation and subsequent traumas of the pandemic.

References

Nielsen, C., & Samia, P. M. (2008). Understanding key factors in social enterprise development of the BOP: A systems approach applied to case studies in the Philippines. Journal of Consumer Marketing, 25(7), 446-454. doi:10.1108/07363760810915662

SAFFY. (2019). About Us. http://www.saffyinc.com/about-us/

Categories
Humanitarianism

The Syrian White Helmets

The Syrian Civil Defense, more widely known as the Syrian White Helmets, are an organization of volunteers within Syria and in parts of Turkey. The group is made of up of “[f]ormer bakers, tailors, engineers, pharmacists, painters, carpenters, students and many more professions besides” (White Helmets, n.d., par.5). They primarily operate in opposition-held areas of Syria It was formed in 2014, but began with grassroots movements of volunteer rescue teams in 2012 (Aikins, 2014) with the escalation of the Syrian Civil War after a failed ceasefire which had been implemented by the UN (BBC, 2012). It was the beginnings of The White Helmets which drew the world’s hearts towards the conflict in Syria – the image of Omran, the five year old covered in blood and dust sitting alone in the ambulance; the video of an infant being desperately pulled from the rubble of a bombed building (Malsin, n.d.).

The group’s humanitarian framework comes from international humanitarian law from the Geneva Convention, and guided by philosophy from the Quran (The White Helmets, n.d.). Their motto, from the Quran, is “to save a life is to save all of humanity” (The White Helmets, n.d., par. 7), and they ascribe to the international humanitarian laws principles of Humanity, Solidarity, and Impartiality. They have been nominated three times for the Nobel Peace Prize and have had a Netflix documentary made about them. Their organizational structure is run by a democratically elected council and led by Raed al Saleh.

They have nearly 3000 volunteers and have rescued more than 115,000 individuals from the rubble after air raid attacks (Syria Civil Defense, n.d.). They have 221 female volunteers and openly state that they seek to include women in their work alongside male volunteers, and also in services specific to women such as maternal health clinics (The White Helmets, n.d.), as is culturally acceptable. 252 volunteers have been killed, and more than 500 injured (The White Helmets, n.d.). More than half of those killed have been in “double tap” attacks, where there is an initial attack, then a second attack after rescuers arrive to help, to specifically target them. Additionally, in 2018, about 100 White Helmet volunteers along with their families were emergency evacuated by a rescue group from Israel after becoming trapped by the Syrian military (BBC, 2018).  800 volunteers and their families had been planned for, but nearly half did not make it for the one-time rescue operation.

One of the founders of the organization, from Britain, James Le Mesurier, had created another nonprofit, called Mayday Rescue, in order to fundraise, provide equipment, and train the White Helmets in urban search and rescue (Yee, 2019).  He was found dead in Turkey in 2019 under suspicious circumstances following multiple disinformation campaigns against him by the Russian Foreign Ministry, claiming that both he and the White Helmets were actually a terrorist organization linked with al-Qaeda (Yee, 2019). Others, likely fueled by this propaganda, speculate that the White Helmets are propaganda themselves for the interests of the US and NATO (Kakade, 2016). However, the claims that the White Helmets are linked with terrorist organizations and have staged mass casualty events have been thoroughly discredited as a clear ploy by the Russian and Syrian governments (Palma, 2016, Solon, 2017).

The primary goals of the group exist within the physical and cultural space of Syria, comprised of Syrians. Their ultimate aim is to provide emergency humanitarian relief in the Syrian Civil War to anyone who is suffering, and they are known for their dangerous attempts at saving lives at any cost (James, 2014). Their actions are to act as first responders following airstrikes in Syria, providing “emergency evacuation, urban search and rescue, firefighting, community engagement, and medical response” (Asif & Asif, 2018, p. 27). Additionally, they have developed an emergency plan to prevent the spreading of COVID-19 in Syria and go door-to-door to raise awareness, while also disinfecting public areas including camps and buildings, coordinating with medical professionals in setting up quarantine facilities, and training specialized teams on how to safely evacuate COVID-infected individuals to hospitals (The White Helmets, n.d.).

An important cultural consideration of humanitarian work is the effect that outside international aid has towards the local community. The White Helmets have been much more successful than Doctors Without Borders AKA MSF, most likely due to this discrepancy of trust (Asif & Asif, 2018). An outsider can create a feeling of shame, as if one is being pitied by the international community and is hopeless to help themselves, while a culturally native individual represents strength, solidarity, trust, and resiliency. “Thus, the clinical encounter between the native population and the foreign doctor becomes a microcosm of colonial rule, one that is characterized by confrontation and distrust” (Asif & Asif, 2018, p.27). The White Helmets are also committed to the long-term rebuilding of Syria as they are Syrians themselves, and want to ensure the peace, safety, and welfare of Syrian communities in infrastructure, and social, physical, and emotional health. It is because of these culturally-relevant investments and actions that it has been recommended to increase trauma-informed psychological care training for the volunteers, as they are in a unique position to deliver such services in the immediate and long term within Syria (Lester, 2018).

While the group was founded by international backers, its approximately 3000 volunteer members are Syrians themselves (Daley, 2016). As such, they have not ever been involved in another conflict, so can only be judged on their capacity within the one context they are serving. Additionally, they appear to be culturally sensitive in that they operate within the Syrian context.  However, this does not always mean that all Syrian cultures are equally respected, although the group strives for impartiality. There have been some criticisms of their ability to do so, stating that they are opposed to the government regime, and actually are encouraging the Syrian Civil War to continue through taking sides in the conflict and continuing to accept funding from Western backers (Moore, 2019). However, evidence and support of this opinion is scarce. That being said, it is understandable that the group would be largely opposed to the governmental regime, who has been criticized heavily for their attacks on their own civilians and human rights abuses (Amnesty International, n.d.). Despite this, The White Helmets claim that they have saved lives on all sides of the conflict, including government soldiers (The White Helmets, n.d.).

Below is the information directly from the Syria Civil Defense web page on “What We Do” (n.d.)

We are a humanitarian organisation dedicated to helping communities to prepare for, respond to and rebuild after attacks in our beloved Syria.

We are best known for our search and rescue services following bombings but we provide a range of services inline with the internationally recognised activities of civil defense.

We work according to the guidelines for civil defence organisations across the world, as well as in accordance with International Humanitarian Law. As defined in Protocol I (Article 61) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, we pledge to provide the services listed at paragraph 5:

  1. Warning the civilian population of attacks and dangers
  2. Urban Search and Rescue
  3. Evacuation of the civilian population from areas into which fighting is encroaching
  4. The provision of medical services – including first aid – at the point of injury
  5. Fire-fighting
  6. Management of emergency shelters
  7. Detection and marking of danger areas (such as areas with unexploded ordnance)
  8. Provision of emergency accommodation and supplies
  9. Emergency repair of indispensable public utilities
  10. Decontamination and similar protective measures
  11. Assistance in the preservation of objects essential for survival
  12. Emergency assistance in the restoration and maintenance of order in distressed areas
  13. Emergency disposal of the dead
  14. Management of blackout measures
  15. Complementary activities needed to carry out any of the tasks mentioned above.

As outlined in the Protocol I (Article 61) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 we provide these services for the following purposes:

  • To protect the civilian population against the dangers arising from hostilities or other disasters
  • To speed recovery from the immediate effects of such events To provide the conditions necessary for survival of the civilian population.

While civil defence organizations are protected under the international humanitarian law applicable to all civilians and civilian objects in general, the Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, adopted in 1977, makes protection specific for civil defence.

Additionally, the White Helmets web page (n.d.) makes it clear that the organization is committed to helping rebuild physically and mentally in rebuilding communities following the end of the Civil War. One point that I found somewhat confusing is the utilization of two different web pages for the organization. It appears the White Helmets web page (n.d.) is aimed more towards generating support and fundraising, while the Syria Civil Defense website (n.d.) has more information about the organization itself and press releases.

Remember Omran, that bloodied and dusty five-year-old in the ambulance whose image wrecked our hearts all over the world? In 2017, the Syrian government media released new photos and videos of him, along with statements by the boy’s father that the family was pro-regime and that the child had been used by the rebel forces as fake propaganda (Specia & Samaan, 2017). This is just another example of how the truth around the White Helmets, and the war in Syria as a whole, is constantly being twisted and changed, making it difficult to know the truth (Haddad, 2016). Social media exacerbates this, with clearly differing messages posted to different sites, aimed at different followers, and between Arabic and English (Lynch, Freelon, & Aday, 2014). This is a common modern tactic in civil wars and human-causes acts of humanitarian crises, the post-truth age (Harsin, 2018).

Overall, it appears the White Helmets are a legitimate organization working diligently within a high-risk area to serve the Syrian community.  They provide an invaluable service that international organizations have struggled to do. Despite the conflict being ongoing, the organization has been successful in its mission, and seems to have the ability to continue doing so, despite the direct attacks on their lives and through the media to discredit them and attempt to eliminate their funding. That being said, Asif and Asif (2018) recommend that the White Helmets increase their indigenous independence by eliminating Western funding. While I understand this position, I think that there is always a struggle for organizations to have enough funding, so to get it from any source possible may be necessary in order to complete their mission.

I find the Syrian White Helmets to be incredibly inspiring personally and would like to see other models for indigenous humanitarian organizations given research and support around the world. I would like to see the larger international aid organizations focus their resources and funding towards supporting local, grassroots movements such as the White Helmets.  I think this is done in some capacity already, but I think there is much room for improvement.

References

Aikins, M. (2014). Whoever saves a life. Medium. Retrieved from https://medium.com/matter/whoever-saves-a-life-1aaea20b782#.kelvvhn3f

Al Asaad, S. (2018). The White Helmet myth: A soft war propaganda. Op-Ed. MEHR News Agency. Retrieved from https://en.mehrnews.com/news/132739/The-White-Helmet-myth-A-soft-war-propaganda

Amnesty International. (n.d.). Syria. Retrieved from https://www.amnestyusa.org/countries/syria/

Asif, S.M. & Asif, S. (2018). Doctors with borders: The White Helmets and radical political medicine. In: Weber AS, Verjee MA, editors. Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Medical Humanities in the Middle East [Internet]; 2018 Nov 17-18: Doha, Qatar: Innovations in Global Health Professions Education; 2019 March. p. 27-29. https://dx.doi.org/10.20421/ighpe2019.01.09

Atlantic Council. (2017). Breaking Aleppo. Retrieved from http://www.publications.atlanticcouncil.org/breakingaleppo/

BBC. (June 12, 2012). Syria in civil war, says UN official Herve Ladsous. BBC News. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-18417952

BBC. (July 22, 2018). Syria conflict: White Helmets evacuated by Israel. BBC News. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-44915099

Daley, B. (October 7, 2016). Who are Syria’s White Helmets, and why are they so controversial?. The Conversation. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/who-are-syrias-white-helmets-and-why-are-they-so-controversial-66580

Haddad, B. (2016). The debate over Syria has reached a dead end. The Nation. Retrieved from https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/the-debate-over-syria-has-reached-a-dead-end/

Harsin, J.  (2018). Post-Truth and Critical Communication Studies. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication. Oxford University Press.

James, L. (2014). The most dangerous job in the world. New Internationalist. Retrieved from https://newint.org/features/web-exclusive/2014/10/10/syria-civil-defense-volunteers/

Kakade, S. (2016). White Helmets: Heroes or propaganda?. Ruggles Media. Retrieved from https://camd.northeastern.edu/rugglesmedia/2016/09/26/white-helmets-heroes-or-propaganda/

Lester, N. (2018) Introducing a Trauma-Informed Practice Framework to Provide Support in Conflict-Affected Countries. The RUSI Journal, 163(6), 28-41. DOI:10.1080/03071847.2018.1562016

Lynch, M., Freelon, D., and Aday, S. (2014). Syria’s socially mediated civil war. United States Institute of Peace. Retrieved from https://www.usip.org/publications/2014/01/syrias-socially-mediated-civil-war

Malsin, J. (n.d.). The White Helmets of Syria. Time. Retrieved from https://time.com/syria-white-helmets/

Moore, T. (2019). The White Helmets: Unneutral in the Syrian conflict. Kent State University Undergraduate Symposium on Research, Scholarship and Creative Activity. Retrieved from https://oaks.kent.edu/ugresearch/2019/white-helmets-unneutral-syrian-conflict

Palma, B. (December 15, 2016). Are the Syrian ‘White Helmets’ Rescue Organization Terrorists?. Snopes Fact Check. Retrieved from https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/syrian-rescue-organization-the-white-helmets-are-terrorists/

Solon, O. (December 18, 2017). How Syria’s White Helmets became victims of an online propaganda machine. The Guardian.  Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/dec/18/syria-white-helmets-conspiracy-theories

South China Morning Post [username]. Syrian conflict: who are the White Helmets? . YouTube. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mnhkH6lYJxM&t=13s

Specia, M. and Samaan, M. (June 6, 2017). Syrian boy who became image of civil war reappears. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/06/world/middleeast/omran-daqneesh-syria-aleppo.html

Syria Civil Defense. (n.d.). ”Who we are” and “What we do.” Retrieved from https://www.syriacivildefence.org/en/

The Syria Campaign. (2017). Killing the truth: How Russia is fuelling a disinformation campaign to cover up war crimes in Syria. Retrieved from https://thesyriacampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/KillingtheTruth.pdf

The White Helmets. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.whitehelmets.org/en/

Wright, R. (July 23, 2018). The White Helmets – Syria’s noble rescuers – have to be rescued by Israel. The New Yorker. Retrieved from https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-white-helmets-syrias-noble-rescuers-have-to-be-rescued-by-israel

Yee, V. (November 11, 2019). James Le Mesurier, backer of Syrian White Helmets, is found dead in Turkey. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/11/world/middleeast/james-le-mesurier-white-helmets-dead.html